Archive for July, 2009

30
Jul

That must be the other President Obama

In an interview with Businessweek magazine, President Obama tells a whopper.

A lot of business leaders consider you to be antibusiness. I was struck when I attended the Aspen Institute Ideas Festival. [Council of Economic Advisers member] Austan Goolsbee was speaking, and he hit a fairly hostile audience. These are wealthy, fairly progressive older people who had tended to support you, but they seemed very upset about corporate taxes, individual taxes, card check, all sorts of things you’re doing that they perceived as not helpful to them. What can you say to those people?

Let’s look at the record. I’ve been in office six months. So far my only tax policy has been to cut taxes for 95% of working people. I haven’t signed a bill that’s raised taxes yet. To the extent that we have put in place policies, they’ve all been directed at helping businesses. A number of those who think we’re antibusiness seem to forget that it was just three or four months ago when, at great political expense, we yanked them out of the fire. And they still—at least if they’re in the financial sector—are enjoying a whole bunch of government guarantees that are propping up their business models. So it’s hard for me not to be a little skeptical when I hear that somehow we’ve been antibusiness. [emphasis added in the answer]

Of course, if Obama reads Politifact.com, he can be excused for making this small error.

30
Jul

For those birther conspiracy theorists

Here’s all the evidence you need to prove your case.

Document 1

Document 2

30
Jul

The housing market

The Daily Show cuts right to the heart of the problem.

The Daily Show With Jon Stewart Mon – Thurs 11p / 10c
Home Crisis Investigation
www.thedailyshow.com
Daily Show
Full Episodes
Political Humor Joke of the Day
30
Jul

California’s plan to save money

As many as you may know, I’m currently unemployed. The day after my last day of work, I went to California’s Employment Development Department Web site and filled out the forms to apply for unemployment. Approximately 10 days later, I received a “Notice of Unemployment Insurance Award” confirming my eligibility for unemployment insurance. That document was dated July 16, and warned me that I had 21 days to put my name and resume in California’s CalJobs Web site so all those newspapers in the state could find me and hire me – and it’s a requirement to get my unemployment check.

Up to this point, I was rather impressed with the California system.

Now it’s July 30, and I’m not.

My last day of work was July 6. So that week I don’t get paid for, because that’s the rules. But by tomorrow I should receive my third check – or so I thought.

As of today I haven’t received a dime. That’s sorta OK. I got about 3 weeks of unused vacation and holiday pay when I was sacked. But woe to anyone who got fired without that sort of cushion, because California isn’t quick to get that cash out.

It’s probably one of those accounting gimmicks to make the state budget look balanced.

And my opinion of the EDD has gone downhill as I’ve tried to find a person I could talk to about what the hang-up is and what I should expect.

I called their 1-800 number and, as I’ve come to expect, got a recorded voice. What I didn’t expect was to hear a 2-minute-long spiel that doesn’t apply to what I need to know – and then get hanged up on. That’s right, California’s “help” line for the unemployed doesn’t have a hold queue.

It gets better. I called the local Job Service office and the receptionist there was kind enough to tell me that while that is the only number I can use to get to a person, if I don’t hear “Welcome” as the first word, then I should just hang up and try again. When I hear “Welcome,” I should dial “1243” to get through the phone tree as quickly as possible – and then hope again that I can get someone to talk to. There’s no hold queue here either.

I’ve had to call up all sorts of companies for customer support and I’ve never had to go through this sort of “maybe someone will pick up and maybe they won’t and if they don’t we’ll hang up on you” dance.

I’ll try again later, but I don’t think they want to pay me.

30
Jul

Fashion editors at work

From the “I can’t make this up” file:

The editor-in-chief of American Vogue, Anna Wintour, proposed a novel solution to the problems that plague clothing retailers at a recent industry meeting. And by "novel" we mean "she’s completely clueless."

The Vogue editor stood up to offer, "Could someone lead a committee that would make ground rules for retailers of when the discounting starts, and then all the retailers can agree to it?" Von Furstenberg interjected that that was illegal – in fact, if the big department stores had any such agreement, it would amount to price-fixing and collusion, an anti-trust lawsuit in the making. "Is that something we can change?" asked Wintour. "We have friends in the White House now!"

29
Jul

The lengths Politifact will go to

I’ve noted before that Politifact.com, despite its Pulitzer Prize and its claims of nonpartisanship, nonetheless does what it can to shield President Obama as best it can from having to call one of his hundreds of campaign promises “broken.”

That trend has continued. As I noted last week, Democrats in Congress had assailed Obama for using a signing statement to ignore part of a bill – a practice candidate Obama vowed to put a halt to.

Four senior House Democrats on Tuesday said they were "surprised" and "chagrined" by Obama’s declaration in June that he doesn’t have to comply with provisions in a war spending bill that puts conditions on aid provided to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.

In a signing statement accompanying the $106 billion bill, Obama said he wouldn’t allow the legislation to interfere with his authority as president to conduct foreign policy and negotiate with other governments.

This prompted Politifact.com to revisit an earlier ruling of “stalled” for Obama’s promise.

So for now, we find evidence on both sides. There have been the instances where Obama does seem to be exercising more presidential power than Congress would like and, in at least a couple of cases, crossing the line from his promise. But these are issues of power, over which the legislative and executive branch have long tussled. So for now, we’re going to rate this one Compromise. But we’ll be watching future signing statements to see if we should move the Obameter one way or the other.

But this was the very thing in dispute that the legislator Obama had decried during the campaign when done by the executive Bush. Now that Obama is the executive, he sees things much the same way. In fact, there’s really no difference between Obama and Bush now on the rationales behind signing statements.

In fact, let’s look at Politifact’s own analysis:

In rating this promise, we have to judge whether Obama has been consistent with his vow to use the statements "to clarify his understanding of ambiguous provisions of statutes and to explain his view of how he intends to faithfully execute the law" and to avoid using them "to nullify or undermine congressional instructions as enacted into law."

Rhe least contentious example is the one on the Reagan centennial, since there is no indication of any disagreement between his administration and Congress. The other ones are more challenging for us to rate.

In the case of the the Erie Canal commission, the president said that when choosing its members, he disagreed that they need to be approved by lawmakers. That sounds like a reasonable constitutional interpretation, but some in Congress could see it as "undermin(ing) congressional instructions as enacted into law," and maybe even nullifying them.

In case of the financial commission, the president sought to prevent administration officials from having to provide "any information related to any Commission inquiry," as Congress had written into the law. Here, too, it seems like the president is balking at Congress and seeking to undermine, if not nullify, the instructions that Congress wrote into the law.

Finally, in the IMF case that drew the House Democratic ire, the president refused to be bound by language that mandated his administration to take certain positions as dictated by Congress, or requiring advance consultation with Congress. That also sounds like a bid to undermine or nullify congressional instructions. But as the experts say below, he’s also raising reasonable constitutional questions.

But that’s exactly what Bush did and got the ire of Democrats and Obama. Congress puts limitations on who can serve on an executive branch commission and the president says he will ignore it because it infringes on the powers of the executive. In each of these he is choosing to “nullify or undermine” congressional instructions. An honest reading can leave no doubt.

But Politifact doesn’t do honest.

It’s worth noting that Obama has not used signing statements in the bold and sweeping way that President Bush did. Bush, for instance, said that his role as commander in chief meant that he could ignore the wishes of Congress — expressed in several bills that passed both chambers and were signed by the president — that U.S. troops be kept out of combat against Marxist rebels in Colombia funded by the drug trade.

Is this not a reasonable constitutional question too? Is it congress or is it the president who has the final say in determining the rules of engagement for U.S. troops? And it’s not like the aforementioned Obama signing statements weren’t “expressed in several bills that passed both chambers and were signed by the president.”

I think that’s really the issue here: Lingering BDS. If it has to do with national security, war, surveillance, then the use of a signing statement is out of bounds. If it’s Obama and the issue is more mundane, then it’s OK.

So, how does Politifact get to its “compromise” label? It asks three political scientists that unconvincingly argue that Bush’s signing statements were guided by “policy” and Obama’s are guided by defending the executive’s “constitutional perogatives.”

I don’t buy it. You shouldn’t either. Politifact and its professors don’t make the case.

Finally, I would once again note that when it went looking for sources, they didn’t manage to find anyone who held an opposing view. It’s not like they would have a tough time finding one.

29
Jul

Miguel Estrada writes

Miguel Estrada was the brilliant conservative lawyer that the Hispanic-friendly Democrats in the Senate filibustered after President Bush nominated him to the D.C. Appeals court early in his first term out of fear that he would later be on the short list for any Supreme Court vacancy.

Democrats succeeded. But thankfully Estrada is not constrained by federal court rules against voicing his opinion of what is happening in his native Honduras and the Obama administration’s response. Here is a short note from Estrada (via the Corner):

Yes, obviously the way to stand up for the rule of law is to punish the judge who signed the arrest warrant—before the supposed coup—by revoking his visa. Because, you know, we as a country must think it a terrible thing when judges enforce the law against the executive branch. (If only Jefferson had thought of this!) And punish the members of the country’s congress, too, while you are at it, even though no one could reasonably dispute their democratic credentials. This is the same Congress that was elected before the "coup." This petty retaliation is as shameful as it is pointless.

Obama’s behavior towards Honduras has been odious.

28
Jul

Continuing down the wrong path

The Obama State Department continues down the wrong path on Honduras with this two sentence press release.

The Department of State is currently reviewing the diplomatic (A) visas of individuals who are members of the de facto regime in Honduras, as well as the derivative visas for family members of these individuals. We have already revoked diplomatic visas issued to four such individuals who received their diplomatic visas in connection with positions held prior to June 28 under the Zelaya administration, but who now serve the de facto regime.

The “de facto” regime is the constitutionally legal regime. And now President Obama is expelling the very diplomats who would make that case to the general public from the country.

How is it that Iranian thug Mahmoud Imadinnerjacket can always get a visa to come to the U.S. and rant against us and Israel at the U.N. and various universities, but Honduran democrats are persona non grata?

27
Jul

The state of play in Honduras

President Obama and the leftist-loving State Department continue to side with the thugs of Latin America against the democracy of Honduras.

Today’s Wall Street Journal featured two pieces on the subject of Honduras. The first, by Honduran President Roberto Micheletti, lays out the facts of the Honduran constitutional crisis that regular readers of this blog will know well. In short, the only person in this whole situation who broke the law is ousted President Manuel Zelaya.

Let’s review some fundamental facts that cannot be disputed:

• The Supreme Court, by a 15-0 vote, found that Mr. Zelaya had acted illegally by proceeding with an unconstitutional “referendum,” and it ordered the Armed Forces to arrest him. The military executed the arrest order of the Supreme Court because it was the appropriate agency to do so under Honduran law.

• Eight of the 15 votes on the Supreme Court were cast by members of Mr. Zelaya’s own Liberal Party. Strange that the pro-Zelaya propagandists who talk about the rule of law forget to mention the unanimous Supreme Court decision with a majority from Mr. Zelaya’s own party. Thus, Mr. Zelaya’s arrest was at the instigation of Honduran’s constitutional and civilian authorities—not the military.

• The Honduran Congress voted overwhelmingly in support of removing Mr. Zelaya. The vote included a majority of members of Mr. Zelaya’s Liberal Party.

• Independent government and religious leaders and institutions—including the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, the Administrative Law Tribunal, the independent Human Rights Ombudsman, four-out-of-five political parties, the two major presidential candidates of the Liberal and National Parties, and Honduras’s Catholic Cardinal—all agreed that Mr. Zelaya had acted illegally.

• The constitution expressly states in Article 239 that any president who seeks to amend the constitution and extend his term is automatically disqualified and is no longer president. There is no express provision for an impeachment process in the Honduran constitution. But the Supreme Court’s unanimous decision affirmed that Mr. Zelaya was attempting to extend his term with his illegal referendum. Thus, at the time of his arrest he was no longer—as a matter of law, as far as the Supreme Court was concerned—president of Honduras.

• Days before his arrest, Mr. Zelaya had his chief of staff illegally withdraw millions of dollars in cash from the Central Bank of Honduras.

• A day or so before his arrest, Mr. Zelaya led a violent mob to overrun an Air Force base to seize referendum ballots that had been shipped into Honduras by Hugo Chávez’s Venezuelan government.

• I succeeded Mr. Zelaya under the Honduran constitution’s order of succession (our vice president had resigned before all of this began so that he could run for president). This is and has always been an entirely civilian government. The military was ordered by an entirely civilian Supreme Court to arrest Mr. Zelaya. His removal was ordered by an entirely civilian and elected Congress. To suggest that Mr. Zelaya was ousted by means of a military coup is demonstrably false.

Micheletti concludes his piece by pleading with the American government not to impose sanctions over what was a completely legal defense of democracy and representative government in an area of the world where too often strongmen take power.

That plea appears to be falling on deaf ears.

(Reuters) – The United States has warned Honduras’ de facto government it could face cuts in economic aid if it fails to reach a deal with ousted President Manuel Zelaya on restoring democratic rule.

The government that took power when Zelaya was toppled in a June 28 coup has flatly refused to allow his return to power, and negotiations mediated by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias collapsed on Sunday.

Washington hopes Arias can broker a deal that includes Zelaya’s return, and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton spoke with the de facto government’s leader Roberto Micheletti after talks fell apart, urging him to continue with negotiations.

"She made clear, if the de facto regime needed to be reminded, that we seek a restoration of democratic and constitutional order, a peaceful resolution," spokesman P.J. Crowley told reporters on Monday.

The whole situation is Orwellian. How exactly is returning to power a wannabe strongman who violated his nation’s constitution and defied its supreme court and legislature “restoring democratic rule?” It isn’t, but no one is challenging President Obama on this ludicrous position. Instead, last week we got a reporter asking about an obnoxious Harvard professor getting arrested and not a peep about how Obama wants to punish a democracy’s attempt to defend itself from a Hugo Chavez clone.

Also in The Wall Street Journal, columnist Mary Anastasia O’Grady floated the possibility that Obama’s position on Honduras and his disdain for Latin American democracy may be due to White House counsel and Fidel Castro fan Gregory Craig’s influence. I’m not sure how much I buy that claim – Obama seems to get enough foreign policy wrong all on his own.

27
Jul

Today's stupid

Via Ace. No, I can not make this up.

It’s one thing to be stupid. It’s another to videotape it and upload it to the Internet.





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